Extortion , by Peter Schweizer, presents a depressing thesis: while special interests “are influencing and distorting our government in the search for favorable policies… a deeper, more sinister problem [exists]: politics is corrupting money.”

Members of what Schweizer calls the Permanent Political Class use their power to extort money from businesses.  Both parties, and the executive branch as well as the legislative branch engage in Mafia-like practices.  “Campaign money and lobbying contracts are ‘protection money’… donors feel victimized.”

This is not a new problem. Schweizer traces this problem back to the late 1800s, and also notes that Dante placed corrupt politicians in the eighth circle of hell.  But the book concentrates on recent and current events.

Before I even finished the Introduction, I found myself ready to believe Schweizer.  I skimmed and skipped through the bulk of the book, looking for answers rather than outrages to raise my blood pressure.

Most of the book offers proof from recent events, but I did not try to independently evaluate Schweizer’s examples.  I find myself fairly cynical about government and ready to believe that members of Congress are corrupt.  Polls say I am not alone in my opinion.  (Why do we like our own representatives?  This has always baffled me.)

For example, politicians:

• Arrange lucrative lobbying jobs for their family members,
• Move campaign donations into their private accounts by loaning their campaign money and paying themselves back with interest,
• Find ways around attempts to limit free meals and trips, and
• Threaten groups with damaging legislation.
• “Gridlock exists because that’s where the money is…  Gridlock pits interest groups against each other in an arms-race of money.”

I recommend you jump to the conclusion before tackling the bulk of the book.  Schweizer presents disgraced (and convicted) governor Rod Blagojevich (who tried to sell an open Senate appointment) as an inept but otherwise typical example of a politician.  Then he moves to suggested remedies.

Many of Schweizer’s suggestions are in use in some States, so their effects can be examined today.  He says “we must assume that the temptation to corruption is universal in Washington, and we must create earthly punishments to deter it.”

1. Ban the solicitation or receipt of campaign contributions while Congress is in session.  Extortion works best when the threat of damaging laws and regulations is imminent.
2. Place an outright ban on contributions and solicitations involving lobbyists and government contractors.
3. Restrict the ability to convert campaign money into a lifestyle subsidy.  If you think this is already restricted, the book will surprise you.
4. Ban leadership PACs, which have become money laundering operations.
5. Restrict the ability of politicians to use their power to extort money for their families.  Ban immediate family members from registering as lobbyists or from being placed on Congressional and campaign payrolls.

Schweizer would require single-subject bills (an idea I have always liked).  He also would require legislators to read bills and sign legally-binding affidavits attesting to the fact that they did, indeed, read the bill, with significant penalties if they fail.

The book presents some good ideas to reform our system and should generate useful conversations.